Above: *These are actors, not absolute politicians Photo: Taylor Castle
Push accessible the abundant aperture to Mart Anthony’s Italian Restaurant and Steakhouse, on the bend of Hubbard and Racine in the West Loop, and you feel you’ve stepped aback in time. This is the affectionate of comfortable abode breadth the tablecloths are white linen, the walls are copse paneled, and, according to the restaurant’s website, the barter “are well-fed and accept their cocktail of best at hand.”
On any accustomed week, affairs are acceptable that one of those customers—perhaps abrasion bottomward the $32 steak Vesuvio with a $75 Napa cabernet—will be Joe Berrios. In the aboriginal nine months of 2012, Berrios ate cafeteria or banquet at Mart Anthony’s 58 times, campanology up a tab of $8,747. How do we apperceive this? Because Berrios—who is not alone the Cook Canton adjudicator (salary: $125,000) but additionally the county’s Democratic Affair administrator and the committeeman for the 31st Breadth on the Northwest Side—used political attack funds to pay the bills.
Those Mart Anthony’s commons were absolutely “meetings,” according to his annual binding acknowledgment filings with the Accompaniment of Illinois. Turns out Berrios, 60, has captivated “meetings” at lots of restaurants aback the alpha of 2007: 989 of them, accretion $186,080. That’s right: On average, the adept pol dined out on the attack dime at atomic every added banal at $188 a pop.
Given that Berrios’s full-time attack appointment is aloof two blocks from the Canton Building, breadth he works, it’s abstruse that he charge ascendancy so abounding affairs at gourmet restaurants. Equally abstruse is that not a distinct meal he answerable to his breadth committeeman fund—the annual that’s declared to be acclimated for ward-related politics—was eaten central his ward.
(Through a spokesperson, Berrios—who afresh told reporters that the county’s belief rules barring bribery in hiring don’t administer to him—declined to be interviewed for this article. In acknowledgment to a Freedom of Information Act address gluttonous capacity of who abounding the affairs and what they were about, Berrios’s appointment aboriginal claimed that he doesn’t accumulate a calendar. It afterwards beatific one xeroxed folio of one ages in a datebook with four accessories penciled in.)
Using attack funds to alive aerial on the hog is a accustomed attitude amid assertive Illinois politicians. How abroad are they declared to allow common accomplished dining and added luxuries on a accessible servant’s salary?
It’s additionally declared to be verboten. Under both accompaniment and federal law, adopted officeholders and political candidates can absorb attack money alone on things with a campaign- or government-related purpose. They’re not accustomed to use the funds to adorn their lives. But by addition the analogue of “campaign-related” like taffy, politicians “can still parlay [campaign contributions] into a appealing acceptable life,” says Ronald Michaelson, a attack accounts able who was the controlling administrator of the Illinois Accompaniment Lath of Elections from 1976 to 2003.
To apprentice how boundless such escapade are in Illinois, Chicago and the nonprofit Bigger Government Association afresh analyzed attack acknowledgment annal from January 1, 2007, through September 30, 2012 (the best contempo accessible as of presstime) for bags of political attack committees. The politicians those committees armamentarium accommodate all accompaniment senators and representatives, best burghal mayors, all Cook Canton commissioners and belt committeemen, all Chicago aldermen and breadth committeemen, and added above canton and accompaniment adopted officials.
While no austere red flags popped up for best of these politicians, a cogent boyhood arise to amusement their attack coffers as behemothic bribery funds for big spending on luxuries—Lexus sedans, spa services, across jaunts—that bald bodies at a agnate bacon akin couldn’t dream of affording and that arguably accept little to do with accepting elected. Some, including Country Club Hills ambassador Dwight Welch, accompaniment abettor Terry Link, and Berrios himself, arise to alive about all-expenses-paid lifestyles. (In interviews, both Link and Welch dedicated their spending as anon accompanying to and all-important for their political activities.)
Most afflictive of all, such spending goes on abundantly disregarded and mostly unquestioned. “We accept a ability actuality [in Illinois] of you booty what you can get,” says David Morrison, the abettor administrator of the Illinois Attack for Political Reform. “I don’t apperceive of any added states breadth this would be an issue.”
In the bounce of 1993, Robert LeFlore Jr., 62, a Democratic accompaniment adumbrative from the West Side, died in appointment afterwards a continued illness. The costs of his burying ($4,400) and his burying artifice ($3,200) were paid not by his ancestors but by his still-active attack fund. Recalls Kent Redfield, a political scientist at the University of Illinois at Springfield and a attack accounts specialist: “The antic at the time was that if bodies were told that the money they were giving politicians was actuality acclimated to coffin them, they’d be abundant added all-around to accord to their campaigns.”
The bigger antic was the actuality that application attack funds to pay for your own funeral—could there be a added clearly nonelection-related expense?—wasn’t illegal. Afore 1998, Illinois imposed no restrictions on how political candidates and officeholders could absorb attack money they raised. None. “It was the Wild West,” says Michaelson. “Fur coats for the wife, country club dues, new cars, academy tuition”—using political war s to awning such costs was all altogether legit.
Thus, aback he was governor from 1977 to 1991, James Thompson, a Republican, was able to use bags of dollars in attack funds to pay his family’s babysitters. Jane Byrne, the Democratic ambassador of Chicago from 1979 to 1983, acclimated her attack armamentarium to buy her babe a new $14,000 Mustang.
Democratic accompaniment abettor John D’Arco Jr. took $45,000 to pay acknowledged bills during his 1991 federal balloon on bribe-taking and influence-peddling charges. A year later, Democratic administrator Fred Roti withdrew amateur that bulk for his own acknowledged defense.
Back then, reformers were focused not so abundant on how candidates spent their contributions but on who donated the money in the aboriginal place. “It’s the banknote advancing in, the assets on the advanced end, that offers the greatest accident of corruption,” says Morrison.
When it came to spending reform, the federal government was way advanced of Illinois. In 1979, Congress anesthetized a law banning federal candidates and legislators from application attack money for claimed expenses. (That statute applies to federal assembly such as Jesse Jackson Jr., the ex-congressman who at presstime was actuality advised for allegedly application attack funds to adorn a abundant home and buy a $40,000 Rolex.)
Many states anesthetized agnate laws. But in Illinois, the angled point wasn’t until about 1995, aback a alternation of scandals, including a massive Medicaid fraud, erupted. The FBI and accompaniment badge bankrupt staffers from Governor Jim Edgar’s appointment and admiral from the state’s accessible aid appointment for accepting ability and bribes from Management Casework of Illinois, a above attack contributor that overbilled the accompaniment by about $12 million.
The MSI aspersion underscored the aggressive bribery in Illinois’s government and stoked aborigine wrath. Alike Michael Madigan, the old-school Speaker of the House, had to accede that the advance had turned. “Conditions accept accomplished the point breadth activity should be taken to annihilate the gravy alternation in Springfield,” he told reporters in 1997.
The aing year, the state’s four aldermanic leaders assuredly formed a appropriate bipartisan assignment force—which included a adolescent apprentice abettor from Chicago alleged Barack Obama—to draw up a attack accounts ameliorate bill. Asking legislators to canyon a law acid their own aliment was a boss alpine order. “Once you get the perks, you appetite to accumulate the perks,” says Bob Stern, the above admiral of the Center for Authoritative Studies at UCLA, who helped address California’s battleground attack ameliorate act in 1974.
In the end, the assignment force was able to get rank-and-file assembly to canyon the bill alone by inserting a grandfathering article acceptance Illinois politicians to accumulate all the attack money they calm afore June 30, 1998, and absorb it about they like, as continued as they pay assets taxes on any claimed expenses.
On the additional side, the law did spell out about a dozen specific expenditures that are forbidden. Buying a house, for example. Paying off a mortgage. Covering academy tuition, country club dues, or dry charwoman bills.
Unfortunately, the law was “a applesauce sandwich” with “more holes in it than St. Andrews’s golf course,” Jim Howard, the above controlling administrator of the attack ameliorate accumulation Illinois Common Cause, told reporters afterwards it passed. For instance, the law allows the afterward barring to the charge ban: “governmental or political purposes anon accompanying to a candidate’s or accessible official’s duties and responsibilities.” Stretch the analogue of “political purposes” far enough, apparently, and you can tap your attack coffers to pay your charge at Harvard University additional flights to and from Boston. Howard Kenner did aloof that in 2002, to the tune of $15,500, while he was a South Ancillary accompaniment representative.
There’s additionally a ban on application attack dollars to pay biking costs “unless the biking is all-important for accomplishment of political, governmental, or accessible activity duties, activities, or purposes.” One can alone brainstorm what political aliment collection Michelle Harris, the 8th Breadth alderman, to biking to Turkey aftermost year on her campaign’s dime. Or what appropriate Richard Mell, the 33rd Breadth administrator and father-in-law of above governor Rod Blagojevich, to pay $6,617 in attack funds for a three-night break at the abundant Bellagio in Las Vegas with four of his belt captain buddies in 2009. (In 2008, Mell took the aforementioned accumulation on a $4,651 adventure to Aruba.)
And afresh there’s this across-the-board annual adjoin the end of the statute: “Nothing in this breadth prohibits the bulk of funds of a political lath controlled by an administrator or applicant to acquit the accepted and reasonable costs of an administrator in affiliation with the achievement of authoritative and accessible annual functions.” As a applied matter, says Morrison, such ambiguous diction bureau that what does or doesn’t calculation as a attack bulk is appealing abundant up to anniversary candidate: “It’s about the annual system.”
Even if anecdotic abundant claimed spending as attack spending is accounted acknowledged in Illinois, “it looks bad,” Redfield credibility out. It casts accessible admiral as arrogant, out-of-touch profiteers who are beneath absorbed in their capacity than in feathering their own nests—an abnormally poor angel with so abounding Illinoisans disturbing in this still-weak economy.
The attack address of Dwight Welch, the ambassador of southwest burghal Country Club Hills, can be difficult to find. On the outskirts of the town’s business district, it is about duplicate from the surrounding ranch-style residences dotting a quiet adjacency with ample lawns. That’s because the appointment is in his house’s three-car garage.
Welch, 63, who is white, has been ambassador of this mostly African American association aback 1987. He rehabbed his garage/office in 2008, accretion it and putting in a new kitchen, bathroom, and affair area. To do this, he withdrew $40,000 in attack funds, the Illinois Lath of Elections afflicted at the time. Aback the Sun-Times questioned him about the project—and about the red flags aloft by the acclamation board—Welch pleaded benightedness and absolved the accomplished affair as “no harm, no foul.” (Welch says that he repaid his campaign.)
With his excellent appointment built, Welch afresh biconcave into his attack backing for tens of bags of dollars to add furniture, appointment supplies, a furnace, a aegis alarm, and a complete system. He withdrew bags added to awning acreage allowance and his home’s annual annual bills, including cable TV, annal show. Aftermost but not least, he acclimated his attack annual to pay himself hire for use of the garage/office: $28,750 from February 2009 to May 2012.
Lest you accept that Welch was apprenticed to such extremes by pitifully low compensation, you should apperceive that Country Club Hills—population 16,000—pays him $145,000 a year, one of the accomplished mayoral salaries in the Chicago suburbs. He additionally enjoys a $32,000-a-year bulk annual adjourned by taxpayers. The ambassador alike gets his auto for free: Country Club Hills provides a town-owned clandestine badge abettor for his use. Perhaps it’s not to Welch’s taste, however, because until afresh he additionally busy a $600-a-month Volkswagen SUV—billed, natch, to his attack fund. (He afresh traded in the Volkswagen for an Acura SUV.)
Welch is unapologetic about his attack spending. “You accession and absorb money for elections—duh,” he says. “That’s what I do. I’m not abashed of it. I try to chase all the rules.” As for his garage/office? “We accept parties there all year round. Bodies adore it. . . . I’m accomplishing the will of the people. It’s not like I’m accepting anything.”
Because it’s altogether acknowledged to use attack funds to hire attack offices, abounding Illinois politicians, like Welch, accept to locate the offices central acreage that they (or a ancestors member) already own. Consider Administrator Mell, 74, he of the Vegas getaway. Mell bought a single-story brick storefront on the Northwest Ancillary for $210,000 in 1996, according to accessible records; he has endemic it chargeless and bright aback 2004. From January 2008 to August 2012, he acclimated attack money to pay himself $231,000 in hire on the abode and is currently accession about $4,450 per month. Mell says that there is annihilation actionable about it: “It’s convenient, and it’s in the ward.”
Vehicles are addition above breadth of ambiguous attack spending. The Chicago/BGA assay begin that added than 100 assembly and candidates accept acclimated about $1.3 actor in attack funds to charter or buy cars, generally high-end models, over the accomplished bristles years. For example, Patrick O’Connor, the 40th Breadth administrator and the mayor’s attic leader, paid $7,500 in attack banknote to McGrath Lexus in 2011 for a four-door sedan; he has aback billed the attack $1,100 every ages in charter payments.
But that pales in allegory with Jesse White, Illinois’s secretary of state. Annal appearance that White has spent added than $77,000 in attack money on cars aback the alpha of 2007, including two 2007 GMC Yukons, one of which he keeps in Chicago and one in Springfield. This admitting the actuality that White, like Welch, has a car provided for his use. (How does he get from Chicago to Springfield, you ability ask? According to his spokesperson, sometimes he takes the accompaniment plane.)
Mind you, all this is acknowledged as continued as the cars in catechism are acclimated for attack or official purposes. So is application attack funds to awning car insurance, repairs, fuel, and parking costs. We begin abounding examples of politicians dipping into attack coffers still added to add accessory radio, buy abettor stickers, and pay parking tickets.
There are absolutely hundreds of added examples of arguable attack spending, abounding about amusingly penny ante. Angelo “Skip” Saviano, a ten-term Republican accompaniment adumbrative from Elmwood Esplanade who absent his reelection bid in November, alone $210 at Sosa Cigars, an alike lounge in Disney World. O’Connor spent $500 at Cinzia, a adorned spa in Myrtle Beach, South Carolina. Holiday cards, flowers, bells gifts—they’re all frequently begin in candidates’ spending reports. “They’ll acquaint you it’s all ‘constituent services,’ ” Morrison says.
The numbers ascend from there. Did accompaniment adumbrative David Harris, a Republican from Arlington Heights, absolutely charge a $6,152 Segway electric scooter for attack work? (Yes, he says: “I capital to draw absorption to myself and, second, accommodated all the voters I could.”) Is every dollar of the $912,782 that Michael Madigan has spent on Cubs ($456,027), White Sox ($305,116), Bulls ($143,155), and Notre Dame football ($8,484) tickets aback the alpha of 2007 absolutely allotment of his acclamation effort? (Says Madigan’s spokesperson, “He sees [the tickets] as a way to animate bodies to be alive in political campaigns,” abacus that aback Madigan uses the tickets himself, he consistently reimburses his campaign.)
Pretty anon you ability the Spinal Tap level: a attack spending bulge that goes above 10 to 11, aloof like Nigel Tufnel’s amplifier. Terry Link, the adept accompaniment abettor from Waukegan and administrator of the Lake Canton Democrats, is a adept of the form. Campaign-paid car? Check. A admirable array of things answerable to his campaign, bottomward to a $221 Bodies annual subscription? Check. Link alike appear that he acclimated attack coffers to pay for dry cleaning, in corruption of one of the law’s few bright prohibitions. (When asked to explain that one, Link alleged aback and said that the bills were to apple-pie not his own clothes but items calm for a covering drive. “I didn’t appetite to accord bodies bedraggled coats,” he said.)
As you’ll recall, application attack funds to acquirement a home is forbidden. Link, 65, says he acclimated his own money to buy a $32,000 two-bedroom “manufactured house” years ago. He keeps it at the adaptable home esplanade Woodland Acres in Springfield and stays there aback the accompaniment assembly is in session, he says. During those times, he bills his attack armamentarium the $280 lot charter fee that Woodland Acres charges.
This ability not be an affair if it weren’t for the actuality that Link additionally collects a taxpayer-provided $111 per diem, according to the Illinois comptroller’s annal (each affiliate of the Accepted Assembly gets that bulk to awning commons and auberge apartment while the assembly is in session). “He’s aloof so blatant,” says one administrator who requested that his name not be used. “He’s accepting a asset and not claiming it as a claimed benefit.”
Responds Link: “I’m accomplishing annihilation that’s illegal. If I had annihilation to hide, I wouldn’t address it.”
Campaign accounts assemblage say that few politicians alpha out aggravating to d the system. In their aboriginal runs for office, they tend to absorb their hard-earned banknote on staples such as consultants, pollsters, bonanza stickers, and advertising.
Fast-forward several terms. Now sitting appealing in safe districts with badge activity or none at all, they no best charge to use their attack war s, alike with banknote from big-money appropriate interests, to address to voters. Still, they attack full-time, year-round, admitting the absolute acclamation actuality years away. This advancement begets added spending: appointment overhead, fundraising, agents meetings, amusing events, and so on. That’s on top of the acceptable get-out-the-vote costs that hit appropriate afore anniversary election.
Here’s breadth some can abatement into a trap. Regularly wined and dined and fawned over by donors and lobbyists, they alpha to allow in luxuries not necessarily accompanying to their elections. “You argue yourself it’s all allotment of the job, and it’s not a lot of money, and that array of thing,” says Redfield. “It’s actual corrosive.”
Pretty anon some alpha charging about aggregate to their campaigns, including accustomed necessities, like groceries, that boilerplate association accept to pay for themselves. Michaelson says the accustomed costs can be added insidious than the big-ticket ones. “Buying a additional abode in Florida—that aloof stands out like a abscessed thumb,” he says. “It’s the circadian stuff, the added accepted stuff, that can all add up to a lot of money.”
Most of the money that flows into politicians’ attack coffers comes not from accustomed citizens but from appropriate absorption groups. Three out of every four contributions, in fact. And that’s what decidedly troubles Redfield. “If a applicant uses attack funds to supplement his lifestyle, you’re creating a battle of interest,” he says. “You depend on your contributors to accumulate accidental to you if you appetite to advance your lifestyle. Does that accord your contributors leverage? Does it drain over to how you accord with accessible policy?”
“People should be outraged,” says Melanie Sloan, the controlling administrator of the D.C.-based political babysitter accumulation Citizens for Responsibility and Belief in Washington. “If you don’t appetite to alive on a lawmaker’s salary,” she adds, “don’t be a lawmaker.”
Campaign donors aren’t adopting a stink. According to Stern, they couldn’t affliction beneath if the money they accord a baby-kisser goes adjoin claimed expenses. “They aloof care,” he says, “that the money has influence.”
It’s the commissioners of the Illinois Accompaniment Lath of Elections—four Democrats and four Republicans appointed by the governor—who accept the ability to investigate accessible attack spending violations and appoint fines.
But by statute, the lath lacks the ability to analysis attack acknowledgment forms to stop violations in progress. (By contrast, the boards in Wisconsin and Minnesota, amid others, do accept such power.) The lath can ask candidates to analyze costs that assume fishy, but it cannot, for the best part, claiming their legitimacy. In added words, it can’t catechism whether a politician’s $395 tab at Gibsons on a Valentine’s Day three years afore his aing acclamation is absolutely a “political meeting” or a campaign-paid date night. It can investigate on its own but usually alone does so if a “verified complaint” is received.
And the fines it can appoint are basically wrist slaps: They top out at $500, additional the amount of anniversary abnormal bulk over $500. “I anticipate there’s a lot of areas breadth the lath would like added approved authority,” says above lath administrator Michaelson. “But breadth does that appear from? The accompaniment legislature. The men and women who are activity to be anon afflicted by it. The cachet quo. They’re not acquisitive to canyon reforms.”
By abounding accounts, the lath commissioners are too accommodating, emphasizing agreement over case and afraid to ancillary adjoin a baby-kisser in their own party. “The aftermost affair they appetite to be accomplishing is policing the expenditures of the bodies who canyon their budgets,” says Redfield—especially accustomed that the board’s annual has diminished from $118 actor in 2007 to $39 actor aftermost year alike as its workload has grown.
And aback the lath does affair fines, it rarely bothers to collect. A 2011 Circadian Herald analysis begin that of the $21.5 actor in fines issued by the lath to candidates and political organizations aback 1999, alone $1.2 actor had been paid. “What [the commissioners] absolutely charge is added backbone,” says Morrison.
Rupert Borgsmiller, the controlling administrator of the Illinois Accompaniment Lath of Elections, responds that the bureau does its best with the assets it has. The lath prefers to assignment with politicians to accomplish abiding they accede with the law, not to comedy gotcha. Borgsmiller additionally credibility to the accent of the statute: “That’s what we accept to assignment with. It is what it is.”
In fairness, politicians’ costs can be difficult to track, accustomed the dizzyingly ample cardinal of baby expenditures, generally advance out over months or years, listed in abstracted advertisement periods and sometimes filed by assorted political committees. Anticipate about it: In Illinois there are some 40,000 adopted admiral in about 6,000 units of government, according to the elections lath (though abounding down-ballot adopted admiral don’t accept attack accounts). Plus, there are hundreds added political activity committees that aren’t affiliated with adopted candidates but accept to be monitored.
To added complicate matters, politicians aren’t appropriate to accommodate any acceptance receipts or paperwork for their attack spending. They can and do annual ambiguous descriptions, such as “meetings,” that may abstruse the absolute purchases. In March 2011, for example, Ray Suarez, the Democratic administrator of the 31st Ward, appear that his attack spent $3,760 in “miscellaneous expenditures” for the purpose of—wait for it—“miscellaneous expenses.”
“You can avoid these things all the time,” says one arresting Chicago acclamation advocate who requested anonymity. “We don’t accept able-bodied abundant acknowledgment requirements to absolutely betrayal all of the skeletons in the closet.”
Because accompaniment legislators accept lacked the will to criminalize attack spending abuses, it has mostly collapsed to federal authorities to arraign accessible violators. But such indictments are acutely rare, and alone a scattering of Illinois politicians accept absolutely been convicted. (The best recent: George Ryan, the above Republican governor, in 2003, for authoritative claimed use of $80,000 in attack funds and declining to pay assets taxes on the money.)
As for prosecutions, the latest cogent one came adjoin William Beavers, the longtime South Ancillary administrator angry Cook Canton commissioner. Aftermost February he was accusable on federal accuse that he didn’t pay taxes on added than $225,000 he took from his attack funds and canton bulk annual to action and sweeten his burghal pension. (Beavers has alleged the accuse “horseshit.”)
In practice, the IRS and federal prosecutors tend to attending into ambiguous attack spending alone during the advance of a abstracted accessible bribery investigation. “Unless it’s actual arrant or repeated, it wouldn’t be account basing a case on,” says Byram Tichenor, a above IRS appropriate abettor who headed Chicago’s bent analytic analysis from 2005 to 2007. “The government has to appearance bright affirmation of fraud.”
That’s not so easy, says Joel Levin, a above abettor U.S. advocate who helped arraign Ryan, in allotment because best politicians accept attack treasurers, accountants, and lawyers—often trusted accompany or ancestors members—who can insulate them from questions about accessible misconduct. Anamnesis how, during her bootless mayoral bid in 2011, Carol Moseley Braun abhorrent her above attack broker and longtime acquaintance afterwards her attack bootless to address how it spent $315,000 in attack funds?
The way to fix systemic attack spending abuse, of course, is bigger laws. One acceptable alpha ability be for Illinois to action accessible costs to political candidates who accede to absolute their spending during anniversary race, as 24 added states already do. In one of them—Minnesota—the best amount of a statehouse chase is $34,300. By contrast, in the 2010 elections (the latest year for which abstracts are available), the boilerplate applicant for the Illinois Abode spent $90,000; some spent in the hundreds of thousands.
At the actual least, say attack accounts experts we interviewed, Illinois legislators should appoint added and clearer restrictions on use of attack cash. Booty restaurant meals: Stern suggests that candidates be accustomed to absorb alone what the accompaniment allots for its authoritative per diems. He added proposes that candidates be accustomed to bulk attack commons alone during a authentic acclamation cycle, not anytime they please.
What’s more, the Illinois Lath of Elections should accept the ability to analysis attack committees and to appoint binding fines with absolute bite. Redfield alike suggests stripping the lath of administration admiral altogether and giving them to the accompaniment ambassador general, a added aboveboard and absolute arbiter. Or creating a anatomy such as the Government Accountability Lath in Wisconsin, which consists of six above board who are nominated by a console of accompaniment appellate cloister board and so are about absolutely removed from politics.
Barring such reforms, Sloan doesn’t see annihilation annoyance politicians’ bad behavior except “a brace prosecutions . . . [that create] a scandal.”
But do aesthetics absolutely avert politicians? I asked Levin.
“That’s the $64,000 question,” he answered.
Or to put it addition way: That’s the catechism whose value—using Joe Berrios math—would according the amount of 340 restaurant commons answerable to his attack funds.
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